Iran’s Charm Offensive

President Hassan Rouhani of Iran made his debut this week at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, where he expanded on his government’s charm offensive by wooing investors and reassuring political leaders of his determination to complete a comprehensive nuclear deal with the major powers. But his benign image and deft political skills could not erase or excuse the ugly fact that Iran remains the main ally of Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad, in the destruction of Syria and its people.

Mr. Rouhani, who took office in August, is eager to fulfill his promises of improving Iran’s relations with the world and reviving an economy devastated by international sanctions and his predecessor’s mismanagement. He quickly reached an interim deal with the major powers that curbs significant aspects of Iran’s nuclear program.

When the deal took effect on Monday, United Nations inspectors confirmed that Iran had begun suspending most advanced uranium-fuel enrichment and taken other agreed-upon steps. In exchange, Iran received what the United States called “limited, targeted and reversible sanctions relief for a six-month period.” At Davos, Mr. Rouhani clearly was looking to speed the day when all sanctions are lifted and Iran can achieve the economic growth and international acceptance that has been lost since the 1979 Islamic revolution. At a meeting with top oil executives, he and his oil minister promised to have a new, attractive investment model for oil contracts by September that could help win back business from Western interests.

For now, it is essential that broad sanctions, including restrictions on Iran’s access to the international financial system, remain in place until a comprehensive nuclear agreement is reached. The United States insists that they will remain in place, though it may not be easy to prevent an erosion of the penalties. Investors are eager to jump back into the Iranian market, as are many governments.

Over the long term, Iran’s full reintegration into the international system will depend on more than just adherence to the interim nuclear deal and completion of a final agreement. It must also be seen as contributing to stability in other ways, including ending the hostility toward Israel. Mr. Rouhani said he sought “constructive engagement” with Iran’s neighbors. But that goal is belied by Iran’s support for the Syrian government, a government that has bombed civilians and obstructed humanitarian aid. Iran, which uses Syria as a buffer between it and Israel, has encouraged Hezbollah to fight on his behalf.

Iran’s support of Mr. Assad is all the more unsettling because Mr. Rouhani was rubbing shoulders with the world’s elite just as a stormy peace conference on Syria was playing out elsewhere in Switzerland. Instead of just bemoaning the civil war as a “major catastrophe” and dismissing all the anti-Assad forces as “terrorists,” he could have given credibility to his “constructive engagement” policy by temporarily suspending arms to Syria while peace talks are underway and negotiating a face-saving way for Mr. Assad to leave power.

The United States has tried to keep the nuclear and Syria issues separate, and there is logic to that. If the nuclear deal were the vehicle to resolve every dispute the West has with Iran, it would likely fail. But the Syrian civil war is a major catastrophe, and Iran has considerable leverage to help bring it to an end.

NYTimes.com